To fully understand Foucault's Discipline and Punish, you have to read Nietzsche's On the Genealogy of Morals. Not only does Nietzsche's book pioneer the genealogical study of concepts (the method taken up and formalized by Foucault's works), it also includes extensive discussion of the idea of punishment. Furthermore, like all of Nietzsche's books, On the Genealogy of Morals reads politics in terms of the idea of power, a reading that psychologizes politics and denies the idea that political structures and practices are intended to achieve specific purposes. Instead, according to Nietzsche, political practices are the manifestation of the will to power of political actors, and any use which political structures might seem to have is secondary, overdetermined, and temporary.
Foucault's books model an ambiguous relationship to power: on the one hand, it's clear that Foucault fears power and sympathizes with stigmatized persons who have been marked or transformed by the operation of power. On the other hand, Foucault writes like power: his prose seems to reenact power's past operations as well as producing power in the form of knowledge. Foucault as a person tends to disappear beneath the surface of his prose; Foucault's prose identifies with the operation of power rather than with his own personal subjectivity. (I assume that Foucault does not dramatize his personal subjectivity because he declines to dramatize himself as a product of the operation of the power of others.) This begins to change only after Foucault becomes fascinated with gay liberation movements in the early 80s.
Nietzsche on the other hand loves power; he views the unashamed, natural, pleasurable manifestation of personal power as the basis of human vitality. To Nietzsche, the powerful who use their power without self-consciousness to achieve their own pleasure are the only healthy humans; humans without power are impotent and full of resentment and their resentment and reactionary idealism represents the greatest threat to human vitality and to human values. For Nietzsche, the impotent forces of resentment want to universalize their condition of powerlessness through ever more restrictive and tyrannical modes of democratic governance; the side-effect of this is that they teach an ideology of contempt for human drives and human nature. Nietzsche particularly hates (and fears) Christians, anarchists, communists, anti-Semites, and the bourgeoisie; he loves aristocrats and Greek heroes. Nietzsche does admire the state, and governance in general, because they represent an expression of power to organize life on behalf of the powerful; however, to the extent that the state is influenced by the democratic forces of resentment, Nietzsche views the state as sick. This is because the democratic state aims toward the elimination of power and the production and glorification of impotence and helplessness.
In a very profound way, Nietzsche and Foucault are both pro-crime, and it is Nietzsche's sympathy for the punished criminal, I think, that first attracted Foucault to him. Foucault's sympathy for the punished is different, because it is based on sympathy for those whom society has stigmatized as deviants (a standard aspect of the punishment process--every felon has a more or less indelible label). Nietzsche, on the other hand, sympathizes with the punished person's loss of vitality; he despises punishment to the extent that it estranges the punished person from his-or-her power and removes the sense of agency (for Nietzsche, agency is confidence in one's own will to power). Nietzsche writes "Generally speaking, punishment makes men hard and cold; it concentrates; it sharpens the feeling of alienation; it strengthens the power of resistance." Here we see Nietzsche's optimism: the hope that punishment will increase the will to power, and therefore the vitality of the punished person. Yet he continues, more somberly, "If it happens that punishment destroys the vital energy and brings about a miserable prostration and self-abasement, such a result is certainly even less pleasant than the usual effects of punishment--characterized by dry and gloomy seriousness" (On the Genealogy of Morals, trans. Walter Kaufman, Second Essay, Section 14, pgs. 81-82).
This "dry and gloomy seriousness" of subjugation is precisely what Nietzsche and Foucault are joined in hating--they meet on this ground. Nietzsche even imagines, paradoxically, a government so powerful that it would have no need to punish--he sees this as an ideal situation. However, it's an absurd, self-contradictory idea, since Nietzsche at the same time believes that government exists fundamentally as an expression of power--how else could power be expressed than through some form of punishment? (Foucault clarifies this idea by describing the function of government as disciplinary, employing punishment to subjugate the populace. It's fascinating to imagine how Nietzsche would have responded to this idea of "discipline": I assume he would have viewed it as a horribly destructive collective dehumanization perpetrated by the democratizing forces of resentment. Nietzsche could only have been appalled by the spectacle of a state that disciplined all its members [even the President!--that would terrify him], thereby inducing resentment in everyone, and eliciting the expression of that resentment as the bedrock of political process [Think of how, in the U.S., almost every effective political stance is
against someone, whereas proposals that are
for a particular group tend to fail--it's in resentment and the use of power to suppress prerogatives that the public finds some unity]).
So, Nietzsche loves the state because he loves power; Foucault hates the state because he hates its production of subjugated individuals. Nietzsche also hated the production of subjugation, so one suspects that were Nietzsche to have become aware of Foucault's ideas about state discipline, he would have had to give up, or at least qualify, his love for the state. This is one small way in which Foucault undermines Nietzsche's positions.
It is in On the Genealogy of Morals that Nietzsche defines the genealogical method for studying concepts, and, not coincidentally, it is in the sections on punishment that he defines this method. He writes "the cause of the origin of a thing and its eventual utility, its actual employment and place in a system of purposes, lie worlds apart; whatever exists, having somehow come into being, is again and again reinterpreted to new ends, taken over, transformed, and redirected by some power superior to it; all events in the organic world are a subduing, a
becoming master, and all subduing and becoming master involves a fresh interpretation, an adaptation through which any previous 'meaning' and 'purpose' are necessarily obscured or even obliterated. However well one has understood the
utility of any physiological organ (or of a legal institution, a social custom, a political usage, a form in art or in a religious cult), this means nothing regarding its origin" (Second Essay, section 12, p. 77). Thus, the genealogical method attempts to discover both the origin and the various transformations of a concept, without assuming that any narrative of progress governs the deployment of that concept in different locations or eras.
Nietzsche continues, "the entire history of a 'thing,' an organ, a custom can in this way be a continuous sign-chain of ever new interpretations and adaptations whose causes do not even have to be related to one another" (77). And in the next section he applies this genealogical theory of concepts to punishment, writing "the concept 'punishment' possesses in fact not one meaning but a whole synthesis of 'meanings': the previous history of punishment in general, the history of its employment for the most various purposes, finally crystallizes into a kind of unity that is hard to disentangle, hard to analyze and, as must be emphasized especially, totally
indefinable. (Today it is impossible to say for certain
why people are really punished: all concepts in which an entire process is semiotically concentrated elude definition; only that which has no history is definable.)" (80). Foucault's Discipline and Punish builds on the kernel that Nietzsche presents here, doing precisely that which this passage says cannot be done, and using Nietzsche's genealogical method to do it. And as I said above, by defining the contemporary purpose of punishment as the production of discipline, Foucault even succeeds in undermining Nietzsche's positive view of governance. At the same time, Foucault proves the value of Nietzsche's genealogical approach for producing a non-teleological history of significant concepts, viewing the shifting meanings of concepts as the results not of conceptual evolution but rather of the adaptation of the concepts to the purposes of new users (new powers).
The biggest problem of Nietzsche's philosophy is the idea that the expression of power, the achievement of the will to power, is pleasurable. What is this pleasure? Is he right? This is the place at which it is possible to doubt Nietzsche. And yet, it does seem that those who have power enjoy expressing it very much. But isn't it ashes in the mouth? For Nietzsche, my doubts about the joy and vitality to be found in the expression of personal power mark me as an impotent person, a miserable person steeped in resentment, the sort of person who cannot see the beauty in human beings and human actions and who cannot see the value of human life except as something to be superceded by idealist manifestations. He may be right. Yet still I doubt. Is cruelty really as fun and self-affirming as Nietzsche claims? (Obviously, his assumption is that the religious consciousness, founded on resentment, must be rejected before a person can realize this.) I have to say that I do believe there are pleasures much greater than those to be found in the expression of power, and Foucault came to believe this too, as is clear in some of his late discussions of gay liberation and San Francisco, where he glorifies the idea of people living as friends. Of course, the will to power has some expression in friendship, especially sexualized friendship, but camaraderie exceeds power relations. Nietzsche discusses this too, arguing that true friendship is made possible by the acquisition of power and the recognition of approximately equal power in another. But this is vague--is he arguing that only aristocrats can have true friendship? Can't the poor have equally satisfying lateral bonds? Or is friendship only made possible by some level of mutual affluence, and therefore dependent on some degree of power acquisition? I'll leave these as discussion questions for whoever's read this far.
Nietzsche makes his own effort to interpret the "semiotically concentrated" concept of punishment, with a remarkably poetic use of parataxis. He describes 11 possible meanings of punishment, of which I'll list a few:
"Punishment as a means of rendering harmless, of preventing further harm. Punishment as recompense to the injured party for the harm done, rendered in any form (even that of a compensating affect). Punishment as the isolation of a disturbance of equilibrium, so as to guard against any possible further spread of the disturbance. Punishment as a means of inspiring fear of those who determine and execute the punishment. Punishment as a kind of repayment for the advantages the criminal has enjoyed hereto (for example, when he is employed as a slave in the mines). Punishment as the expulsion of a degenerate element (in some cases, of an entire branch, as in Chinese law: thus as a means of preserving the purity of a race or maintaining a social type). Punishment as a festival, namely as the rape and mockery of a finally defeated enemy. Punishment as the making of a memory, whether for him who suffers the punishment--so-called "improvement"--or for those who witness its execution" (Second Essay, Section 13, pgs. 80-81).
I'll stop there. Obviously, the most disquieting is the "festival" of punishment, involving rape and mockery (think Abu Ghraib or, closer to home, the tolerated systematic rape of American felons). And yet, I feel this is the sense of punishment which Nietzsche views as most fundamental, the enjoyment of punishing which he views as a healthy prerogative of those who express power. One could say that Nietzsche is a sadist, but that doesn't even cover the case--in fact, he views sadism as a universal quality of healthy human beings, whereas those who resent such abuses are sick and despise humanity and human nature. In Nietzsche's view, we resent those who rape and torture others precisely because of our own feelings of impotence and frustration about our inability to do the same; furthermore, he is optimistic about the pleasure of hurting others, since the acceptance of such enjoyments is the basis of beautiful aesthetic possibilities.
It's hard to know quite what to say about all this, except that it makes one rethink the meaning of those works that do aestheticize torture--for example, are various works ostensibly critical of torture at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo actually better understood as creating beauty out of these tortures (and thereby glorifying their aesthetic significance)? Certainly, many Americans, especially poor white people and especially (from my experience) poor white women, seem to very much enjoy the idea that male criminals are raped in jail, which they see as an aspect of justice. There's a racial subtext to this, since it's mostly people from minority groups who suffer this treatment, and then again sometimes there's this wistful hope that high-status white collar criminals will be raped this way, since that would "really show them." In other words, in a society with an institutionalized penal rape culture, who are we to reject Nietzsche's idea that sadism is healthy and universal? And yet a major problem of Nietzsche's thought is that he seems not to realize that such an idea must be rejected in order to achieve civil society. Perhaps the answer is that Nietzsche (like so many 19th century philosophers) did not really value civil society. In which case, an interesting study would be to critique Nietzsche through Habermas.
But that's enough for today--now it's time to "work"!